Wednesday 31 July 2013

Free radio log for 31 July 2013

6285 1827- Radio Telstar, OP talk and music is playing, fair to poor signal with high level of noise and deep fades, sinpo 35222

6285 1850- Radio Goudenster playing music, fair to poor signal with high level of noise and fades, sinpo 25222

6295 1905- Radio Mustang playing Beatles, good signal with some noise and fades, sinpo 45344(3)

6745 1820- Radio Pioneer playing song, OM singer, fair to poor signal with high level of noise and deep fading, sinpo 35222

Free radio log for 30 July 2013

6290  1750- Long Live Radio playing non-stop IS, ID: "You are listening to shortwave service of Long Live Radio...", good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45344(3)

Tuesday 30 July 2013

Ukraine and Europe: Final Decision?

Programme Paper
James Sherr, July 2013

QSL card from Hit Radio Roter Baron

Nice QSL card came from German Free Hit Radio Roter Baron. Thank you very much for QSL and good service!

Free radio log for 29 July 2013

6070 0310- Radio 6150, two OM talk about New York, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6260 0316- Short Wave Gold playing music, fair to poor signal with deep fading and noise, sinpo 25222

6423v 1908- Radio Lowland playing music, weak signal with static noise and fades, some ute qrm, sinpo 23222

Monday 29 July 2013

Activist presses Ukraine for release of Tymoshenko

By Ashish Kumar Sen

Ukraine’s Air Defense: Balancing Between CSTO and NATO

By Maksym Bugriy

Ukraine is preparing to take part in air defense exercises with Russia and Belarus and a multilateral air force exercise in Kazakhstan, all to be held by November 2013 ( Minsk and Astana are key Russian allies in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and Moscow has been seeking to develop a common CSTO air and space defense system. Among post-Soviet countries, Ukraine boasts fairly developed air defense capabilities, yet it technically and financially depends on cooperation with Russia. Using sticks and carrots of air defense cooperation, Kremlin hopes to bring Ukraine closer to the CSTO. Such rapprochement, however contradicts President Viktor Yanukovych’s non-aligned security policy.

Russian politicians continue their efforts to bring Ukraine closer to the “Eurasian NATO”—the CSTO. On June 25, Gennady Vasiliev, the leader of the United Russia Duma faction suggested that Ukraine become an observer in the military bloc ( That same day, the CSTO Military Committee gave basic approval to Russia’s proposal to develop the alliance’s air defense system. Since 1995, Ukraine belongs to the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) air defense system, which Russia probably wishes to continue in order to maintain as an outer security buffer. But the new CSTO project is designed to “recreate the entire airspace protection perimeter that existed in the Soviet Union,” said Russian analyst Ivan Konovalov ( A Russian political lobby for this project exists in Ukraine within the ruling Party of Regions. Member of Parliament (MP) Oleksandr Kuzmuk, a former defense minister, supported Kyiv’s creation of an integrated air defense system with the CSTO countries back on July 14, 2010 ( Yet, joining the CSTO air defense organization would conflict with Ukraine’s “non-bloc” security policy that the government passed shortly after Yanukovych’s election to the presidency (see EDM, May 21, 2010).

The issue is complicated by Kyiv’s dependency on Russia in air protection. Ukraine has a relatively comprehensive air defense system, which functions as part of the country’s air force. Its most powerful surface-to-air missile (SAM) units are the Soviet/Russian long-range S-300 and S-200 missiles, as well as Buk-M medium-range missile systems. Key Ukrainian fighter and interceptor aircraft include MiG-29 and Su-27 and Su-25 Soviet models. The majority of the equipment is over 20 years old, but the low threat level, mechanically robust equipment and well trained people maintain the system at a workable level. Military analyst and former Ministry of Defense (MOD) official Ihor Kozyrkov told Jamestown on July 15 that Ukraine’s air defense counter-terrorist intruder response capabilities were tested in an exercise and approved by counterparts from the United States and Poland on the eve of FIFA’s EURO 2012 Soccer Cup, co-hosted by Ukraine.

While Ukraine’s defense sector was minimally financed during the 2008–2010 economic crisis, procurement somewhat improved in 2012. According to the MOD White Book 2012 (, the military purchased a Ukrainian-made P-18 radar and received four MiG-29 and Su-25 aircraft, a Kolchuga air surveillance unit and three SAMs—all after modernization. But this is a marginal improvement as equipment maintenance and development requires substantially more resources. On December 22, 2011, Air Force Colonel Dmytro Karpenko told TSN news that no more than 40 percent of Ukraine’s active-duty S-300 missiles were technically in acceptable condition ( Maintenance and development of equipment often leads to disputes with Russia. On July 15, Oleksiy Melnyk of Razumkov Center told Jamestown that Russia reacted “painfully” when Ukraine modernized its Soviet aircraft unilaterally, whereas cost and delay issues often arose when Ukraine properly sought the (Russian) manufacturer’s consent before undertaking any modernization efforts. In some cases, Ukraine was accused of disclosing Russian know-how. Furthermore, according to air defense expert Oleksandr Manachynsky, Russia was not happy that Ukraine had exported Buk-M1 missiles to Georgia in 2008 and Soviet Su-27 fighter jets and other equipment to the US in 2010–2012 (Author’s interview, July 15).

Ukraine’s decade-plus plans to develop its own missile systems have not materialized to date. And military analyst Valentyn Badrak has warned about the country lagging behind its neighbors’ armies in modernization ( On July 1, 2013, the Ukrainian defense ministry announced it was abandoning its flagship “Sapsan” missile project and would focus instead on “ready” alternative missile models with the hope to have a prototype this year and start production in 2014–2015 ( Meanwhile, Russia could supply its CSTO allies with modern S-400 and S-500 systems, according to analyst Ivan Konovalov ( It is also Russia’s official policy to subsidize weapons sales to CSTO members—a policy that could prove particularly tempting for Ukraine.

Ukraine is also dependent on Russia in air defense training. According to the MOD White Book, in 2012, the armed forces held drills with medium- and short-range SAM systems in Ukraine, and the average aircraft crew flight time grew 3–3.5 times. But the military only carried out 30 percent of its planned practice launches of guided missiles. Military analyst Dmytro Tymchuk wrote on December 1, 2011 that Ukraine did not test fire any of its S-200 and S-300s, instead agreeing with Moscow to train at Russian sites, such as Ashuluk in Astrakhan region ( Furthermore, Ukraine intends to participate in the CIS Air Defense exercise “Boyevoye Sodruzhestvo 2013” at Ashuluk ( While Ukraine’s motives are pragmatic, its participation in such exercises, though often only observational, serve Russian propaganda aims when reported on in the media. In its turn, Russia is the one who pays: Nezavisimaya Gazeta’s Vladimir Mukhin cited Russian defense ministry sources that Moscow would spend 3 billion rubles (roughly $97 million) on the CIS air defense system (

At the same time, however, Ukraine uses its partnership with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to train in aerial defense. The flagship project Air Situation Data Exchange Program is aimed not only at improving airspace protection and safety, but also serves to modernize the Ukrainian military’s operational standards. During June 2012, amidst the EURO 2012 soccer tournament, Ukraine and the North Atlantic Alliance extended the program to cover data exchange between Ukraine and bordering Central and Eastern European NATO countries ( Moreover, in theory, Ukraine could broaden its air defense cooperation with NATO under the “smart defense” initiative—sharing and pooling capabilities in times of defense austerity. Yet, this is likely to meet Russian opposition. On the other hand, assuming Ukraine’s government manages to improve the ailing economy and sign the Association Agreement with the European Union, Russia would lose some of its leverage over Ukraine’s air defense. For now, however, Kyiv largely continues to maintain the current fragile balance between the two security organizations—NATO and the CSTO.

Sunday 28 July 2013

Free radio log for 28 July 2013

6045 0911- Shortwave Rock instead Iceman Radio, ID jingles, then rock-n-roll is playing, OM singer, E., good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45344(3)

6070 1937- Radio Geromini SW via Radio 6150 playing song, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

6095 1022- KBC via Nauen, ID jingles, then song is playing, OM singer, E., good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45344(3)

6250 1940- Radio Mustang playing Europe, good signal with some noise and quick fades, sinpo 45434(3)

6285 1954- Radio Focus International playing song, OM singer, poor signal with fades and noise, sinpo 25222

6295 1933- Reflections Europe, sermon, OM talk, E., fair to poor signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35222

6305 2001- Radio Merlin International playing music, poor signal with deep fades and high level of noise, sinpo 25222, ocassionally sinpo 25111

7265 0605- Radio Gloria International via MVBR playing song, OM singer, fair to poor signal with deep fading and high level of noise, sinpo 35222

Free radio log for 27 July 2013

3905 1916- UNID playing music, only traces, poor and weak signal with deep fading and high level of noise, sinpo 25111

6295 1919- Radio Witte Reus playing Dutch song, OM singer, then OP talk in Dutch, fair to poor signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35232

6745 1905- Radio Pioneer playing reggy, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

Saturday 27 July 2013

Radio Geromino Shortwave via Radio 6150

Geronimo Shortwave will be on air via R 6150 on the 49mtr (6070 KHz) band this Saturday evening at 20.00 hours till 22.00 hours. Programs from Dave Simpson.

We wish you good listening, if all goes well there will be further programs to come next month with programs from  Dave Scott and Keith Jones.
Regards all from Chris Watson  RGSW.

Hamburger Lokalradio Last test on 15785 + Radio Gloria

Today at 15.00 to 20.00 UTC, this is the last test on 15785 KHz
All reports to:  Thank you!

Radio Gloria on Sunday: 

06.00 UTC on 7265
08.00 UTC on 9480
09.00 UTC on 6005
All reports to:  Thank you!

15.00 to 17.00 UTC via „“ and via

Repeatbroadcast: Auigust 2nd 2013
15.00 to 17.00 UTC  via „

Good Listening


Friday 26 July 2013

Free radio log for 26 July 2013

3905 1900- Skyline Radio International playing rock-n-roll, OM singer, good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45344(3), heard via SDR Twente

6280 2002- Short Wave Gold playing song, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

6285 1837- Radio Focus International playing music, weak and poor signal with deep fades and high level of noise, sinpo 25222, better at 1942- song, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

6324v 1950- Radio Underground playing song, OM singer, fair signal on the peaks with deep fades and high level of noise, sinpo 35222, the signal gradually totally faded out

6745 1831- Radio Pioneer playing Queen's "Kind of Magic", good on the peaks to fair with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

Thursday 25 July 2013

Free radio log for 25 July 2013

6290 1910- Radio Black Arrow playing rock, OM singer, fair to poor signal with noise and long periods of fading, weaker, sinpo 35222

6290 2001- Radio Firefox, OP talk, weak and poor signal with deep fading and high level of noise, sinpo 25222

6300 1948- Radio Mustang playing dance music, then "In the Summer Time", good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

Hamburger Lokalradio NOW Testing on 15785 KHz

Hamburger Lokalradio are now testing on 15785 KHz via the transmitter of MVBR in the 19m- band at the following times: 14.00 to 20.00 UTC

Good Listening!


Wednesday 24 July 2013

Free radio log for 24 July 2013

6265 1805- Short Wave Gold playing song, YL singer, good to fair signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45434(3), heard via SDR Twente

6305 1803- Radio Python, OP talk, then music is playing, poor signal with deep fades and noise, sinpo 25322, heard via SDR Twente

15500 1833- Radio Black Arrow, OP talk, then Rolling Stones song is playing, fair to poor signal with deep fading and high level of noise, sinpo 35232(3)

Sunday 21 July 2013

Free radio log for 21 July 2013

6260 0314- Short Wave Gold playing song, rock, YL singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35323(2)

13850 1017- U-Boat 66 Radio playing rock, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35232(3), heard via SDR Twente

Saturday 20 July 2013

Free radio log for 20 July 2013

3910 2011- Radio Technische Man playing music, fair to poor signal with deep fading and high level of noise, sinpo 35222

6095 0900- KBC via Nauen playing opening song, then OM talk in Dutch, adv., ID, exellent signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 55444

6210 1908- Radio Powerliner playing music, weak signal with deep fadaing and high level of noise, sinpo 25222, ID via Chat

6260 0238- Short Wave Gold, ID is given: "This is Short Wave Gold, the Tower of Power..", fair to good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6275 1749- Northpole Radio playing song, YL singer in E., good to fair signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45333 (heard via Twente SDR)

6285 1753- Radio Osaka playing Dutch song, YL singer, good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45344 (heard via Twente SDR)

6295 1923- Radio Boomerang, OP talk in Dutch, ID is given, then instrumental music is playing, good signal as usual with some fades and noise, sinpo 45344

6305 1751- Radio Merlin International playing Guns N'Roses, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45344 (heard via Twente SDR)

6423v 1922- Radio Lowland playing song, OM singer, weak signal with deep fading and high level of noise, sinpo 25222, ID via Chat

6745 1904- Radio Pioneer playing song, OM singer, fair to poor signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35232

9510 0850- Radio City via IRRS playing Oldies, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45444

12035 1540- RTR Radio Europa via Kostinbrod, ID: "RTR Zwei", and OM talk in German, then Pet Shop Boys, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45343(4)

Geht es um Kleinstaaten, setzt der SPD-Kanzlerkandidat Steinbrück auf die Kavallerie. Geht es um Russland, empfiehlt er Taktgefühl und Zurückhaltung. Das Regierungslager kritisiert Putin immer heftiger.

Ulrich Schmid, Berlin
Lew Dimitrijewitsch Gudkow will vom Westen nur eines, Klarheit. Laut und deutlich sollten Politiker und Medienschaffende ihre Kritik an der Politik Putins formulieren, sagt der Chef des russischen Meinungsforschungsinstituts Lewada-Zentrum, den wir an diesem Morgen im Hotel «Grenzfall» nahe der einstigen Berliner Mauer treffen. Mit der These, dass man sich zurückhalten müsse gegenüber dem Kreml, dass Kritik eine dumme, eurozentristische Anmassung und mithin ein taktischer Fehler sei und dass Russland durch ein Übermass an Deutlichkeit nur in die Isolation getrieben werde: Damit kann der 67-jährige Soziologe nichts anfangen. Angst, dass der Zorn des Kremls, entfacht durch unbotmässige westliche Kommentare, nicht nur ihn und sein Institut, sondern die gesamte erwachende Bürgergesellschaft treffen könnte, hat er auch keine. «Die Machthaber halten sich sowieso nicht an Regeln. Wenn sie uns fertigmachen wollen, können sie das jederzeit tun. Einen Vorwand brauchen sie nicht.»

Schonung bitte

Ein deutscher Politiker, an dem Gudkow keine rechte Freude haben kann, ist Peer Steinbrück. Der sozialdemokratische Kanzlerkandidat sagte jüngst in einem Interview, es sei an der Zeit einzugestehen, dass sich «unsere westlichen Massstäbe pluraler Demokratie nicht unmittelbar auf Russland» übertragen liessen. Natürlich solle man auf Demokratiedefizite und Menschenrechtsverletzungen hinweisen. Aber bitte nur «in bilateralen Gesprächen und nicht auf dem Marktplatz». Beachte man diese Prinzipien nicht, verbaue man sich die Zugänge, über die praktische Fortschritte zu bewirken seien. Russland sei ein Partner, und der Westen tue gut daran, die Interessen des Kremls zu berücksichtigen.

Für einen, der im Umgang mit Kleinstaaten die Kavallerie als probates Druckmittel betrachtet, sind das erstaunlich feinfühlige Worte. Ausser «Russland ist wichtiger» oder «Russland ist stärker» fällt einem nicht wirklich eine Maxime ein, mit der sich Steinbrücks selektive Aussenpolitik logisch begründen liesse – es sei denn, man glaube wirklich daran, durch Zurückhaltung seien Fortschritte zu erreichen. Angesichts der ostentativen und stets gerne aufs Neue demonstrierten Bereitschaft Steinbrücks, der befreundeten Demokratie Schweiz auf dem Weg ins Wunderland fiskalischer Tugendhaftigkeit auf die Sprünge zu helfen, wirkt jedenfalls die Scheu davor, ein wenig auf der empfindlichen russischen Seele herumzutrampeln, recht schäbig. Und es lässt den Verdacht aufkommen, hier gehe es in Wirklichkeit um anderes, um Wirtschaftsinteressen zum Beispiel, die man lieber kaschieren will.

Dominanz der Alten

Die Rücksichtnahme auf Russland hat bei deutschen Sozialdemokraten Tradition. Als vor ein paar Wochen in Moskau die «Agenten» ausländischer Einrichtungen, auch die sozialdemokratische Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, mit Razzien überzogen wurden, war von Steinbrück, dem kantigen Klartext-Produzenten, nichts zu hören. Die übrigen Akteure – das Auswärtige Amt, zahlreiche bürgerliche Politiker, die Kanzlerin, die Stiftungen selber – reagierten rasch und forsch, in Einzelfällen sogar heftig. Der russische Gesandte wurde ins Auswärtige Amt bestellt, die Empörung war gross, auch in den Medien und in der Bevölkerung. Zahlreiche Feuilletonisten fühlten sich an die Stalin-Ära erinnert. Die Sozialdemokraten indessen beliessen es bei einem peinlich berührten Erheben des Mahnfingers.
Das ist bezeichnend für eine Partei, in der aussenpolitisch praktisch nur noch ältere Herren den Ton angeben, wie Manfred Sapper von der Zeitschrift «Osteuropa» unterstreicht. Die Russlandpolitik der Sozialdemokraten wird bis heute im Wesentlichen von Leuten wie Altkanzler Schmidt, Erhard Eppler oder Gernot Erler formuliert, deren Denken noch von der Entspannungspolitik geprägt ist. Schmidt, er hat es oft kundgetan, ist prinzipiell dagegen, sich in die inneren Angelegenheiten anderer Staaten einzumischen. Er hält die Menschenrechte für ein Produkt der westlichen Kultur, das sich nur schwer exportieren lässt, und hält nicht einmal das, was man gemeinhin «konstruktive Kritik» nennt, für zielführend. Den belehrenden Zeigefinger verabscheut er.
Schröder vertritt eine ähnliche Linie, ergänzt aber im Gegensatz zu Schmidt die Theorie durch Praxis aufs Profitabelste. Dass er sich als Aufsichtsratsvorsitzender der Nord Stream AG in die Dienste von Gazprom gestellt hat, betrachten nicht nur bürgerliche Kreise in Deutschland als skandalös. Und auch Genossen winden sich, wenn sie daran denken, wie fröhlich Schröder bei der pompösen Amtseinführung Putins neben dem starr strahlenden Berlusconi sass.

Der Affront der Kanzlerin

Gudkow ist nach Berlin gekommen, um an der Konferenz «Was war der Kommunismus?» teilzunehmen, die das Europäische Netzwerk Erinnerung und Solidarität veranstaltet hat. Er traf dabei auf viele Kritiker vom Schlage Steinbrücks, doch auch auf Sympathisanten, die seine Forderungen sehr wohl verstehen. Und mit einiger Genugtuung konnte er konstatieren, dass diese heute in der deutschen Regierung sogar eine recht starke Stellung einnehmen. Zu verdanken haben sie dies Kanzlerin Merkel, die im Gegensatz zu Schmidt und Schröder, aber auch zu Kohl, nicht die geringsten Hemmungen hat, mit Putin Klartext zu sprechen. Dass Kohl, Schmidt oder Schröder den Eklat um die Beutekunst veranstaltet hätten, den Merkel eben in Sankt Petersburg inszenierte, und zwar ohne mit der Wimper zu zucken, genüsslich fast, ist vollkommen undenkbar.
Bekanntester Protagonist dieser kremlkritischen Gruppe ist Andreas Schockenhoff, Koordinator für deutsch-russische Zusammenarbeit im Auswärtigen Amt, ein Christlichdemokrat. Mit harter Kritik an Russland und Putin löst er seit Jahren in den Reihen der SPD, aber auch in den russlandfreundlichen Teilen seiner eigenen Partei, regelrechtes Entsetzen aus. Doch die Kanzlerin stärkt ihm den Rücken.
Die russlandkritische Front ist ebenso heterogen wie die russlandfreundliche. Das Lager Merkels und der Klartextredner wird beherrscht von einer sehr inoffiziellen, aber sehr vitalen schwarz-grünen aussenpolitischen Koalition, die ergänzt wird durch unabhängige, originelle Linke. Was Schockenhoff für die CDU, sind Marieluise Beck, Sprecherin für Osteuropapolitik, und Volker Beck, Sprecher für Menschenrechtspolitik, für die Grünen. Für die beiden Becks (nicht liiert) und für Politiker wie Werner Schulz, der seit 2009 im Europäischen Parlament sitzt, ist Russlandpolitik dasselbe wie Menschenrechtspolitik, und Vorkommnisse wie die Inhaftierung Chodorkowskis oder die Verhaftung der unbotmässigen Frauenband Pussy Riot sind ernstzunehmende Vorfälle.

Eine unheilige Allianz

Ostdeutsche mit ihrer Stasi-Erfahrung und ihrer Abneigung gegen allmächtige, schnüffelnde Geheimdienste spielen hier eine wichtige Rolle. Für Menschen wie Merkel und Schulz, aber auch etwa Präsident Gauck, der zunehmend zu einer klareren Sprache gegenüber Russland findet, ist ein alter KGB-Mann wie Putin im Grunde ein Affront. Der autoritäre Charakter postkommunistischer Herrscher wird in diesen Kreisen intuitiv verstanden, man spricht die Sprache, die sie verstehen. Ganz ähnliche Positionen vertritt aber auch etwa die linksalternative «Tageszeitung», der renommierende, aufgeblasene Typen wie Putin ein Greuel sind und die an echter Basisdemokratie viel Freude hat.
Auf der anderen Seite findet sich die gleiche, unheilige Allianz aus Linken, Bürgerlichen und Grossindustriellen, die auch die Debatte über die Chinapolitik seit Jahren dominiert. Intellektueller Anführer dieser «Realisten» ist Alexander Rahr, der lange Jahre bei der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik arbeitete und heute als Senior Advisor für Wintershall, den grössten deutschen Erdöl- und Erdgasproduzenten, tätig ist. Rahr mischt seine Apologien Putins mit harter Kritik am Westen, der Moskau mit seiner wertorientierten Aussenpolitik bewusst reize und isoliere. Nahe an der Linie Rahrs liegen Politiker wie die Christlichdemokraten Missfelder, Chef der Jungen Union, Karl-Georg Wellmann, Mitglied des Auswärtigen Ausschusses des Bundestags, oder der ehemalige Botschafter in Moskau Ernst-Jörg von Studnitz. Ebenfalls dabei sind Michael Harms, Vorstand der deutsch-russischen Handelskammer, oder Ewald Böhlke, der Nachfolger Rahrs bei der Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik.

Putins Blindheit

Zweckheiraten linker Theoretiker mit Praktikern der exportorientierten Grossindustrie sind ein bekanntes Phänomen. Die Grossindustrie hat kein Interesse an Russland-Kritik, ebenso wenig, wie sie China-Kritik mag. Sie mag Ruhe und Investitionssicherheit, und sie kann es sich leisten, die Konditionen ihres Russland-Engagements mit den Behörden in Moskau bilateral auszuarbeiten. Das kann der Mittelstand nicht, ihm fehlen die Ressourcen dazu, er ist auf Rechtssicherheit angewiesen. Für Rechtssicherheit in Russland aber haben sich Kanzler wie Schmidt oder Schröder ganz bewusst nicht oder nur in Form von Lippenbekenntnissen eingesetzt – aus der Überzeugung heraus, mit Zurückhaltung sei «mehr zu bewirken».
«Schluss mit dem Russland-Bashing – Ein Versuch, den Nachbarn im Osten zu verstehen» betitelte jüngst auch der sozialdemokratische Bundestagsabgeordnete Gernot Erler, den wir in seinem Büro Unter den Linden treffen, einen Artikel in der «Zeit». Erler betreibt seit Jahrzehnten aktive Russlandpolitik und kennt die wichtigen Protagonisten persönlich, seine Kritik an der harten Linie Merkels hat ihm viel Lob von Genossen eingebracht. Erler glaubt, wie er im Gespräch darlegt, dass sich Fortschritte im Weg zu einer «Modernisierungspartnerschaft mit Russland nur dann ergeben können, wenn man betont rücksichtsvoll auftritt. Er gehört allerdings nicht zu denen, die alles, was sich in Russland entwickelt, gutheissen. Zu Rahr etwa markiert er deutliche Distanz. So bedauert er, dass Putin einfach «nicht sieht», wie wichtig Modernisierung für sein Land wäre. Doch auch Erler erklärt Putins Feindlichkeit fast ausschliesslich als Reaktion auf westliche Politik, die die Schwächen Russlands nach dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion «gnadenlos» ausgenützt habe.

Der Westen als Akteur

Dies ist der springende Punkt. In den Augen vieler «Russland-Versteher» gibt es heute im Grunde nur noch den Westen als handelnden Akteur. Der Kreml reagiert. «Zu allem Überfluss fanden ringsherum in der Ukraine oder Georgien Revolutionen statt», schreibt Erler – schon übel, was man da dem armen Putin so alles zumutete. Immerhin macht Erler nicht den Versuch, die globale Geltung von Menschenrechten infrage zu stellen, und er weist auch hin auf die intensiven Kontakte, die die SPD zu russischen Oppositionellen unterhält. Doch die Schuldigen für die derzeitige Verstimmung findet Erler vornehmlich im Westen.
Über die Siegeschancen Steinbrücks will sich Erler nicht auslassen, er belässt es bei einem gewinnenden Lächeln. Wirklich überraschend ist nur seine Bemerkung, dass sich die deutsche Russlandpolitik unter einem Kanzler Steinbrück auch nicht übermässig stark verändern würde. Die Parameter seien ja hüben wie drüben dieselben. Merkel wolle Stabilität, Handel und Kontinuität, die SPD wolle das auch. Merkel protestiere zwar bei jedem Treffen und poche auf die Menschenrechte – aber sie tue das routiniert und kurz und gehe danach schnörkellos zur Tagesordnung über. Es klingt fast wie ein Dementi der eigenen Klage. Für ganz so verheerend scheinen Sozialdemokraten wie Erler die Auswirkungen von Merkels Kritiklust dann doch nicht zu halten.

Das Land als Stütze

Etwas perplex lässt einen die Entschlossenheit zurück, mit der die Sozialdemokraten den zeitgeschichtlichen Trend verkennen. Sicher, die Emanzipationsbewegungen in Europa und an seinen Rändern folgen unterschiedlichen Gesetzen. Aber es gibt verblüffende Parallelen. Die Städte rebellieren gegen die Herrscher, das Land wird zur Kraft- und Legitimationsquelle der autoritären Machthaber. Stabilitätsangebote werden von diesen Herrschern bewusst der Landbevölkerung unterbreitet, nicht den Städten. Moskau ist gegen Putin, Janukowitsch hat Kiew verloren, Minsk ist gegen Lukaschenko. Istanbul und Ankara wenden sich gegen Erdogan, die persischen Machthaber misstrauen Teheran, und Mursis Sturz wurde am vehementesten von der urbanen Bevölkerung Kairos gefordert.
Nicht an die Städter hat sich Putin gewandt, als er die grassierende Unzufriedenheit über seine Herrschaft spürte, sondern ans Land, genau wie Lukaschenko, genau wie Mursi, genau wie die Mullahs in Iran. Gekonnt bedient er die ländlichen Ressentiments gegen Freche und Aufmüpfige, besonders Frauen, gegen Anspruchsvolle, Sushi-Esser, Hedonisten, Ungläubige, fröhliche Nichtstuer und Homosexuelle. Das ist keine vielversprechende Strategie und, wie die Beispiele aus Kiew, Minsk, Istanbul und Kairo zeigen, auf Dauer wohl auch kein Rezept zur Erhaltung von Stabilität. Ob man dies dem Kreml durch höfliches Räuspern klarmachen kann, ist die Frage.

Hamburger Lokalradio Test broadcast on 15785 KHz

Hamburger Lokalradio will be making another test broadcast via the transmitter of MVBR in the 19m- band.
The test broadcast will run on Sunday the 21st of July at the following times.
Sunday 21st of July 2013 on 15785 KHz:
06.00 to 20.00 UTC
 All reports to:  HLR  Thank you!

Good Listening!

Free radio log 19 July 2013

7290 1803- Radio City via IRRS playing Oldies, rock and roll, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45444

Friday 19 July 2013

Screwed up: hammers, nails and the Eastern Partnership

By Edward Lucas
When the only tool you have is a hammer, then it is tempting to look for nails. Following the success of the European Union’s eastward expansion in 2004, it was tempting to apply the same approach to other candidate countries. The assumptions were that the public and the elites in each case supported membership, but would need a bit of help in overcoming entrenched interests and pockets of backwardness. Tough but friendly conditionality from the European Union would help apply pressure in the right places.
A hammer can, in the right circumstances, substitute for a screwdriver. You can bang a screw into a piece of wood in a way that serves the broader purpose, even if the result is not up to the highest standards. (I write as an enthusiastic and incompetent DIY-er). So the EU’s conditionality-based approach worked a lot less well with Romania and Bulgaria, but it did work in the end. Most people would agree that too little was done, particularly on organised crime and grand corruption in Bulgaria, and on the criminal-justice system in Romania. Most people would agree, though, that even being among the poorest and worst-run countries in the European Union, membership is better than the alternative, for them - and for the Union.
But using a hammer when you need a spanner is a mistake. And that is what the EU is increasingly doing with the countries of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. The public may (dimly and sceptically in some cases) like the idea of European integration. But in most of the capitals (Chisinau is the main exception, Tbilisi a partial and possible one) the people in charge do not yearn for their countries to be part of the European family. Their politicians do not want to become commissioners or MEPs. What they want is to stay in power and get rich (or even richer).
This is the fundamental flaw with the Eastern Partnership: it assumes that partnership countries are essentially like the previous membership cohort, just a bit poorer, more disadvantaged and farther away. The much-cited lack of appetite for expansion within the EU is a problem too, but a secondary one. If the EaP countries were well-run, prosperous and yearning to join Europe, the other worries would disappear. It is easy to forget how bizarre the idea of Polish or Baltic membership once seemed to some West Europeans, in the days of exotic and sinister populist politicians, now long forgotten (remember Stanisław TymińskiJüri Toomepuu and Joachim Siegerist? No, I thought not).
The EaP offers an attractive bundle of measures. Market access for goods and services; regulatory norms that help instil good government, EU-style; and engagement for bureaucrats and politicians who want to rub shoulders, exchange ideas and network with their EU counterparts. This is, in effect, what the association agreements, being considered in the run-up to the Vilnius summit in November, offer.
That is where the second argument for EaP comes in: geopolitics. Although in an ideal world, policy-makers in Brussels would like the best, they also want to avoid the worst: that the EaP countries fall back into Russia’s orbit. (In the case of Belarus, the operative verb would be “stay” rather than “fall”). The geopolitical agenda involves more carrots than sticks. Russia is able to offer its own incentives. Some reflect the least attractive aspects of post-Soviet political culture: secret-police co-operation against dissidents, cheap gas, lucrative personal opportunities in energy trading and so on. Russia has offered $10 billion to the Ukrainian leadership in recent weeks if it will shun the association agreement that Brussels is offering.
But it would be a mistake to ignore other aspects of what Russia offers which are genuinely and widely popular. These include: visa-free travel to Russia (important for those with family ties); relatively open access to the labour market; cheap education (free of charge for Belarusians); and access to the huge Russian market for goods and services. The EU cannot easily compete with these in either form or content. For countries, enterprises and individuals without the language skills and cultural familiarity needed for doing business in the EU, and facing the considerable bureaucratic and financial hurdles that it places in their path, the “eastern option” is highly attractive.
The EU’s negotiating stance works best with countries that want to implement the acquis, but face short-term transitional difficulties (because of lobbies, lack of institutional capacity, or historical legacies). The EU can help national governments push through short-term painful measures, and sweeten the pill with temporary derogations or extra cash. But when the political will is absent, the EU’s carrots are not tasty, and the sticks do not have the desired effect. The result is that the EU begins to negotiate with itself: the main currency is how far it will drop conditionality on one front in order to achieve progress on another.
The EU risks looking weak on all fronts. It does not have the capacity and will to conduct imperial politics on its eastern borders - the way that America did during the Cold War in Africa, Asia and Latin America. That approach involves doing deals with unpleasant regimes in order to fox or frustrate the other side. The hope is that some crumbs of liberty and justice may get sprinkled along the way, and that in the long term the nasty regimes may mellow. If they do not, the geopolitical gains are still worth the investment.
Nor does the EU have the capacity and will to pursue a values-based policy. That would involve, where necessary, ignoring criminal, autocratic and incompetent regimes and dealing directly with the citizens. Unilateral visa regulation (or the issuance of special EU-approved travel documents) would be one approach; instituting - again unilaterally - a policy in which students from the EaP countries could study free of charge in EU universities would be another. A third would be to support pro-democracy and human-rights groups with the explicit aim of regime change. This last approach was tried, with a striking lack of success, in Belarus. Now the appetite for any consistent values-based approach is vanishingly small.
So the charade rolls on. The EU demands plenty of the EaP countries. It does not put itself in their shoes. Ukraine’s Viktor Yanukovych may be a bad man, determined to turn his country into a family-owned enterprise. That is sad. But it makes no sense to pretend that he is otherwise. Why is the EU demanding that he dismantle the system that keeps him power, open his economy to painful economic shocks, and let his worst enemy, Yulia Tymoshenko, the jailed opposition leader, out of jail? Having set these conditions, and got empty promises in return, the EU is trying to unwind them. Subplots abound that Germany, perhaps without proper thought, has made Ms Tymoshenko’s release a condition of the association agreement. Poland disagrees: she belongs in prison, if not on the exact charges that put her there. Polish officials want the Association agreement signed with Ukraine, even if Ms. Tymoshenko is still in jail (a stance with which, it seems, she herself agrees).
It is a similar story with Belarus. Aliaksandr Lukashenka dislikes the EU because it has tried to topple him, and despises it because it failed to do so. He has seen at first hand the inconsistency of policy in Brussels, the double standards (Azerbaijan has a worse human-rights record but is treated less harshly) and the failure of some EU countries (Austria is a notable example) to hew to the common line.
But the Belarusian leader is never happy being completely in the Kremlin’s camp. He likes to keep his options open, and that creates an opportunity for the EU. Perhaps (some argue) it is time to offer an olive branch again. If the regime lets out all political prisoners, then at last the Belarusian foreign minister can come to the Vilnius summit. That step would change nothing in Belarus. But it is laudable from a humanitarian point of view and spares the EU the embarrassment of an empty chair in Minsk.
I feel sorry for the Lithuanian diplomats trying to put this charade on stage. They are a highly competent, honest and likeable lot, with far more knowledge of the countries concerned than most of their EU member-state and commission counterparts.1 But if you have been given a hammer, and what you need is a spanner, there is not much you can do: a tap here, and a tap there, and a lot of hoping for the best. The main cause for comfort in the EU’s eastern policy lies not in the Eastern Partnership but in the increasingly coherent line on Russia. If anyone had said 10 years ago that the EU Commission would be destroying Gazprom’s business model, it would have seemed wild fantasy. But that is what is happening - partly because of the efforts of the energy and competition directorates, and partly because of the changing face of the international gas market.2 The fact that the Central European countries and the Baltics, once regarded as political and economic weaklings, are now a more important trading partner for Germany than Russia (even including oil and gas) has fundamentally shifted Germany’s approach. So too on a more provisional basis, is Poland’s new role as a close and dependable ally. As the climate changes in Berlin, the effects can be felt in Brussels.
But that is little comfort for the next few months. My forecast is that after months of empty gestures and emptier words, Vilnius will be a fudge in terms of practical outcomes, though a success in terms of diplomatic process. Moldova will be the expected success story; Armenia will be the unexpected one. Belarus will make baby steps and get a token appearance of no lasting importance. Azerbaijan will treat the whole thing with contempt: it knows that oil and gas trump everything else where human rights are concerned. It has masterminded an extraordinary PR offensive in the Council of Europe.3 It expects the EU to be no different.
Georgia is too close to call: Bidzina Ivanishvili’s government combines a rhetorical commitment to European values with occasional vindictiveness towards its political opponents; a blind eye for petty corruption (whose near-elimination was one of the big achievements of the Saakashvili years); and economic illiteracy. Even the most seasoned Georgia-watchers hesitate to predict what state the country will be in by the time of the Vilnius summit. It could have settled its internal political conflicts with an orderly presidential election, or have been consumed by them.
The big question, of course, is Ukraine - larger than all the other countries combined, and less amenable to pressure from either Brussels or Moscow. If its association agreement is not signed, a serious rethink of the whole approach is inescapable. If Ukraine plays along, it would be a pity then to declare victory and allow the EaP charade merely to stumble on in its current format. Europe can do better; its taxpayers and citizens deserve better. As the Reality Check studies by CEPI show, the elites in the region are not representative of the people they govern.4 Despite all the disappointments and frustrations of the past five years, they retain a dogged belief in the desirability (if not the practicability) of EU integration. The deep generational changes in society following the Soviet collapse have weakened the elites’ grip on their people. Political pluralism, free media and the rule of law may be imperfect or absent, but the expectations of the public are sharper and clearer than ever.5
Even if EU membership is off the table for the foreseeable future, a big practical task is to use the association agreements to the full in stoking economic growth in the EaP countries. Success stories - whether stemming from better infrastructure, greater market access, stronger institutional capacity, can still keep the idea of European integration alive as something that brings practical benefits. This message will be all the more powerful if the Russian economy weakens under the impact of lower gas and oil prices. A second area of attention is closer to home. The consolidation of the past wave of EU expansion is still incomplete. For now, the ‘success story’ of Polish, Hungarian, Baltic, Romanian, and Slovak EU membership is not as compelling as it could be. The sense that drifts over the border is of economic dislocation, large-scale migration with the accompanying social stresses, much higher prices and the promise of jam tomorrow, not today. Prosperity in the eastern regions of the ‘new’ member states could play an important supporting role in the three ‘western’ EaP countries.
But the big lesson is to deal with what I described earlier as the “fundamental flaw” in the EaP: the focus on dealing with the self-interested, authoritarian and essentially hostile elites. It is this which snared the EU into exhausting, credibility-sapping diplomatic process, and into hard bargaining over issues that are more symbolic than real. That approach will have reached its natural end with the Vilnius summit. The future of the EaP should be less bureaucratic and less diplomatic. It should focus more on stoking the EU’s soft power in the EaP countries, fostering and highlighting success stories of European integration, whether economic, cultural or social. The more that process advances, the more the prevailing and dispiriting political consensus will erode - both in EU capitals, and in Baku, Chisinau, Kiev, Minsk, Tbilisi and Yerevan. That needs new tools and new skills. But nobody said that all we have is a hammer.
1. They also have to deal with an underpowered government, which includes some politicians and parties with disconcertingly close ties to Moscow and with a head of state whose fondness for the limelight is not always matched by her performance in it.
2. See Alan Riley’s account of the shale-gas revolution and also
3. See the excellent report ‘Caviar Diplomacy’ by Gerard Knaus of the European Stability Initiative
4. Details on the Reality Check project:
Edward Lucas is Senior Associate of CEPI and International Section Editor at The Economist.

Hamburger Lokalradio & Radio City this weekend

Radio City:
Friday 19th:
18.00 to 19.00 UTC on 7290 kHz via IRRS, and MW 1368 kHz from Padova, Italy
Saturday 20th:
08.00 to 09.00 UTC on 9510 kHz via IRRS, also at 19.00 to 20.00 UTC on 1485 kHz  via R Merkurs in Latvia with a weekly separate programme.
Every 4th Saturday:
12.00 to 13.00 UTC  via Hamburger Lokalradio on 7265 kHz
Due to very poor propagation the June HLR programme will be repeated.

The email address remains    Thank you!

Hamburger Lokalradio via MVBR Saturday and Wednesday:
06.00 to 08.00 UTC on 7265 kHz   
08.00 to 11.00 UTC on 6190 kHz
11.00 to 15.00 UTC on 7265 kHz
All reports to:   Thank you!

Good Listening!

Free radio log for 18 July 2013

6305 1852- Odynn Radio playing music, only traces, sinpo 15111

6290 1918- Radio Telstar playing rock, OM singer in E., good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45344(3)

Tuesday 16 July 2013

Free radio log for 15 July 2013

6285 1905- UNID playing instrumental music, fair to poor signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35222

Sunday 14 July 2013

Free radio log for 14 July 2013

6280 1845- Radio Mazda, OP talk in Dutch on Mustang, ID is given, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45344

6287v 1857- Radio Boomerang playing Cure, 1904- OP talk in Dutch, ID is given, exellent signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 55444

Saturday 13 July 2013

Free radio log for 13 July 2013

5800 1954- Radio Tower, OP talk, ID is given: "Radio Tower", 1957-Seal's song "Crazy" is playing, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6240 1842- Radio Mustang playing Metallica "Nothing else Matters", good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45343(4)

6270 1833- Hit Radio Roter Baron playing dance music, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6285 1949- Radio Goudenster playing dance (?), then OP talk in Dutch, fair to poor signal with fades and high level of noise, sinpo 35232

6295 1837- Radio TWN (Lowland) playing Dutch songs, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6306v 1844- Radio Telstar playing "Pretty Women", fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

6745 1849- Radio Pioneer playing ID jingles by female recorded voice annonced e-mail, good signal (!) with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6911vL 1945- Baltic Sea Radio playing song, OM singer, weak signal with deep fades and noise, sinpo 25222

Hamburger Lokalradio Test broadcast on 15785 KHz

Hamburger Lokalradio will be making another test broadcast via the transmitter of MVBR in the 19m- band.
The test broadcast will run on the 14th of July at the following times:
06.00 to 20.00 UTC

All reports to:  HLR  Thank you!

More Test Transmissions will following in the weeks to come! 
Good Listening!


Free radio log for 12 July 2013

6270 1952- Radio Marabu (tent.) playing rock, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

6285 1950 - Radio Black Arrow playing Scorpions, then dance, 1955- OP talk in Dutch, and rock is playing, 2004 c/d, good to fair signal with noise and fades, sinpo 45333

6305 2005- Radio Merlin International playing music, only traces, weak signal with deep fades and noise, sinpo 25111

6400 1959- UNID playing song, OM singer, then saddenly c/d, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35433

6745 2010- Radio Pink Panther playing song, fair to poor signal with deep fades and noise, sinpo 25222

Friday 12 July 2013

QSL#6 from Long Live Radio

Thank you very much for nice gothic QSL card!

How Microsoft handed the NSA access to encrypted messages

Free radio log for 11 July 2013

6250 1936- UNID playing music, weak and poor signal with deep fades and high level of noise, sinpo 25222

6325 1925- Oldtimer Radio playing country music, OM singer, ID jinngles at 1927, and country music is playing again, fair to good signal on the peaks with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

Thursday 11 July 2013

Is Decentralizing Ukraine Possible?

Free radio log for 10 July 2013

6745 1846- Radio Pioneer playing instrumental music, then at 1846- ID jingles, e-mail is annonced, 1854-song is playing, disco, OM singer, good signal on the picks with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

Wednesday 10 July 2013

HLR Test today on 15785 KHz

Dear Listeners,
Hamburger Lokalradio will be testing again today on 15785 KHz.
The Test Transmission will be between 16.00 and 20.00 UTC.
All reports to:  Thank you!

Good Listening!

Tuesday 9 July 2013

Free radio log for 9 July 2013

6280 1841- Long Live Radio, IS, ID is given, e-mail is annonced, good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45343(4), c/d at 1845

6422v 1916- Radio Tina, the traces of music, sinpo 25111

Monday 8 July 2013

Free radio log for 8 July 2013

6425 1752- Radio Dutchwing playing song, OM singer in E., 1753 - next song is playing, OM singer, fair signal with quick fades and noise, sinpo 45333, heard via Twende SDR

6435 1755- Radio Zwartepanther playing song, YL and OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333, heard via Twente SDR

The Eurasian tug-of-war. EU is competing with Russia for the future of its eastern neighbours

Sunday 7 July 2013

Free radio log for 7 July 2013

15785 0707- Hamburger Lokalradio, YL reads book, E., fair to poor signal with deep fades and high level of atmospheric noise, sinpo 35222

MV Baltic Radio & Hamburger Lokalradio with a Test on 15785 KHz

On the air tomorrow is MV Baltic Radio with a repeat broadcast on 9480 and 7265.
Also tomorrow Hamburger Lokalradio will be making some more test broadcasts via the transmitter of MVBR in the 19m- band.

The test broadcasts will run Tomorrow at the following times and frequencies.

07.00 to 09.00 UTC on 15785 KHz - Hamburger Lokalradio (Test broadcast)
09.00 to 10.00 UTC on  9480 
 KHz - MV  Baltic Radio (Repeat broadcast)
10.00 to 12.00 UTC on 15785 KHz - Hamburger Lokalradio (Test broadcast)
12.00 to 13.00 UTC on  7265 
 KHz – MV  Baltic Radio (Repeat broadcast)
14.00 to 16.00 UTC on 15785 KHz - Hamburger Lokalradio (Test broadcast)
18.00 to 20.00 UTC on 15785 KHz - Hamburger Lokalradio (Test broadcast)

All reports to:  HLR  Thank you!

All reports to:  MVBR:  Thank you!

More Test Transmissions will following in the weeks to come!

Good Listening!


Saturday 6 July 2013

Free radio log for 6 July 2013

6070 0309- Offshore History Radio playing Oldy, YL singer: "Na, Na, Na", rock, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45343(4)

6095 0847- KBC via Nauen playing song, YL & OM singers, good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45344

6260 0313- Summerfest Radio via Short Wave Gold playing song, OM singer, fair signal with deep fades aand noise, sinpo 35322

Friday 5 July 2013

Free radio log for 5 July 2013

6260 0455- Summerfest Radio via Short Wave Gold (?) playing music, poor signal with high level of noise and fades, sinpo 25222

6285 1857- Radio Boomerang playing dance, OM singer: "Be what you wanna be", huge signal with quick fades and little noise, sinpo 55434

6295 1929- Radio Lowland playing Dutch song, OM singer, then Polka, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6745 1908- Radio Pioneer playing song, YL singer, good to fair signal with periodical qrm from hams, and fades, noise, sinpo 43333

Wednesday 3 July 2013

Free radio log for 3rd July 2013

6260 2252- Summerfest Radio via Short Wave Gold (?) playing song, YL singer, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333

6295 1905- Radio Mustang, OP talk, ID is given, and playing different kinds of music, c/d at 1911, good signal with some fades and noise, sinpo 45444

6306v 1920- Slay Radio via Python Radio playing music, weak signal with deep fades and high level of noise, sinpo 25121

Tuesday 2 July 2013

Free radio log for 2nd July 2013

6070 0158- Offshore History Radio, OM talk in E., ID is given, and song is playing, OM singer, fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 35333

6270 1721- Radio Merlin International playing Fraftwerk, good to fair signal with fades and noise, sinpo 3-45333, heard via Twente SDR

6285 1724- Radio Tina playing country, OM singer, fair to good signal with fades and noise, sinpo 45333, heard via Twente SDR